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Post-COVID test scores tumble in North Carolina

6In the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, student performance fell across much of the United States. According to a new study of 2022 math and reading scores, however, North Carolina students suffered one of the country’s biggest tumbles.
For describing cross-state differences in educational outcomes, I’ve long relied on the Urban Institute’s analysis of data from the National Assessment of Educational Progress. Few yardsticks are as consistent as NAEP’s reading and math exams, administered every couple of years to a representative sample of students in each jurisdiction.
Urban Institute researchers then take these test scores and adjust them for demographics, making possible valid comparisons across states that differ markedly in the share of disadvantaged students.
Before COVID, our state fared well in the Urban Institute analysis. Averaging results from the four tests included in the model — reading and math exams in the fourth and eighth grades — North Carolina ranked 7th in the country in 2019, behind (in order) Massachusetts, Florida, New Jersey, Indiana, Mississippi, and Georgia. Rounding out the top 10 were Texas, Connecticut, and Maryland.
In 2022, the top 10 states in demographics-adjusted student performance were, again in order, Massachusetts, Mississippi, Florida, Louisiana, Texas, Georgia, Indiana, Illinois, Nevada, and South Carolina.
Alas, our state was no longer among them. North Carolina tumbled to 29th. Among previously high-performing states, only Maryland suffered a bigger drop than we did.
Now, I know readers may be tempted to slap this bad news on the back of their favorite hobbyhorses and ride them with reckless abandon. See, critics of the state legislature will insist, it was foolish to prioritize tax cuts and opportunity scholarships over more-dramatic increases in teacher pay and school funding!
See, critics of former Gov. Roy Cooper will say, it was foolish for North Carolina to keep its schools closed so long despite the lack of strong evidence schools were a major vector of deadly disease!
Might I suggest less rocking and more talking? You can’t answer complex policy questions with simple comparisons or correlations. Many factors shape academic achievement.
Only some of them can be found in the schoolhouse, and even then the effects on student performance are rarely as dramatic as the political rhetoric associated with them.
I happen to think Cooper did bungle the school-closure issue, and that this probably helps to explain why North Carolina’s test scores dropped so much. My opinion is based on research that holds other factors constant while comparing the length of closures to subsequent student performance.
But I acknowledge not all studies show large effects. I’d like to see more evidence before drawing a final conclusion on the magnitude of the harm.
Moreover, other states that kept schools closed even longer than North Carolina fared better on the 2022 NAEP tests, both in score averages and in changes from 2019. It’s possible that other policy choices by states help to explain variations in student performance. It’s also possible that NAEP tests administered in 2024 will show a different trajectory.
In the meantime, what the Urban Institute study can do is dispel certain myths that continue to pervade North Carolina’s debates on education policy.
First, no more making fun of the likes of South Carolina and Mississippi. Over the past decade, both have enacted major education reforms that changed how teachers were trained and students were taught. Their students haven’t just outperformed ours. They’ve outperformed their counterparts in such places as Connecticut, Minnesota, Rhode Island, and Wisconsin.
Second, no more asserting that low-tax states such as Florida and Texas must inevitably sacrifice the quality of public services on the altar of fiscal conservatism. Their schools ranked well not just in the latest study but in past evaluations of NAEP data.
Meanwhile, high-tax, high-regulation, low-growth states such as New York and California don’t have better schools. They have worse schools — and, usually, worse performance in other public services.
I used to point out that North Carolina’s schools ranked higher, as well. Not anymore.

Where have all the student athletes gone?

5Right now, you are probably asking yourself, “What’s the NIL all about, Alfie?” Mr. Science is going to explain how the NIL has improved college sports. Pull up a chair, put the dogs out, and light up a stogie. Enlightenment awaits.
The critical issue confronting America is what to make of college sports now that the NIL (Name, Image, & Likeness) has slithered out of the darkness of the toothpaste tube of secret alumni money into the full light of day. Colleges can now openly rent athletes by the season. I asked Mr. ChatGPT what was the total amount colleges are currently paying players, unfortunately, he did not know. Let us assume it is a lot. A whole lot. A mega lot, to get technical.
Like an overturned ant hill, college players skedaddle in the portal from one college to the next to get bigger paydays. It is quite charming. Where shall this money to fill NIL’s maw be found? Providing Sopranos-like No-Show jobs to our fine student-athletes just ain’t gonna cut it anymore.
What is a college to do? The academic part of most Universities is just a loss leader. Seems a pity to waste money on professors, labs, and libraries. The real money comes from packing football stadiums with fans. For example, take my beloved alma mater, UNC at Chapel Hill. Or as Henny Youngman used to say: “Take my wife, please.” UNC added beer and wine sales at Kenan in 2019 to beef up sports revenue. Prior to 2019, no one ever consumed alcohol during UNC football games. This statement may not be completely accurate. It is only a matter of time before In Stadium Betting is added to concession stands in Kenan. UNC’s inability to compete with Fan Duel sucking money from its fans will not last much longer. Players won’t play for dear old NCU just for the love of the game. Buying a BBQ sandwich while betting on the game is coming.
The Heels hired a fancy new $10 million-a-year football coach. UNC promised to increase its NIL money from $4 million in 2024 to $20 million in 2025. We are gonna need bigger bucks. Voila! Like Venus rising on the half shell from the sea, the CAROLINA NIL, like some rough beast slouching towards Bethlehem is born. The legal name of CAROLINA NIL is, in fact, in all capital letters. It shouts: “Give me MONEY or get lost.” The old timey Rams Club is now just a shining artifact from the past in the Brave New World of NIL money.
Consider a modest suggestion for fundraising for CAROLINA NIL based on the old Rams Club formula of donor classes. Not all fans are created equal. Rams club donors are classified in eleven levels of sedimentary bribes to be eligible to buy football tickets. Rams Club memberships range from $100 for Little Bitty Rams up to $50,000 a year for Legend Class Ram Members. Each.
Perhaps the CAROLINA NIL could use these levels of giving:
• Mini NIL club: $500. Member gets a UNC decal to adorn their TV
• Pituitary Deficient NIL club: $1000. Member gets decal, UNC hat, Beat Dook button from Shrunken Head
• Malodorous NIL club: $2000. All prior swag, plus a lawn chair to sit in the Bell Tower Parking lot to listen to the game outside Kenan Stadium
• Rabid Fan NIL club: $10,000. 2 seats on the visitors’ side in the broiling sun, one free stadium hot dog
• True Blue NIL club: $20,000 2 seats on visitors’ side beneath the overhang, two hot dogs and a bag of Houston peanuts.
• Mega Pint NIL club: $50,000. 2 seats under overhang on home side, 2 hot dogs, peanuts, 2 cold Chik Filet sandwiches, two Molson beers
• Super NIL Club: $100,000 All prior perks, ability to call 6 offensive plays in each half, 4 Molsons
• Super Duper NIL club: $250,000. Sit by Coach’s wife in Sky Box, Ability to call 6 offensive and 6 defensive plays each half.
• Most Holy Poobah NIL club: $500,000. Ability to fire the Athletic Director, the Chancellor, and the entire UNC Board of Governors. 6 Molsons
• Lion of Judah NIL Club: $1 million. All the above, plus the right to execute up to three referees per season who make bad calls against Carolina.
• Eternal Fan NIL Club: $2 million, all above plus right to have your body embalmed by the UNC Medical School and your coffin placed at the 50-yard line for all future Carolina football home games.
Get on board the NIL train. It’s leaving the station. Like Winston at the end of George Orwell’s novel “1984,” you must learn to love Big Brother.

(Illustration by Pitt Dickey)

UNC and Bill Belichick, will it work?

6In Chapel Hill, talk has been mostly about former New England Patriots coach Bill Belichick and the question of whether his hiring by UNC good for the university or just one more step in the commercialism of college athletics.
For instance, Boston Globe sportswriter Chad Finn wrote the following in that paper’s December 18 edition:
“Dear University of North Carolina football media, fans, and assorted Tar Heel personnel who must now navigate having Bill Belichick in their lives: First, a hearty thank you from your colleagues in New England for sending Drake Maye our way and—no offense intended—preparing him to play with a significant talent disadvantage in his huddle.”
We are happy Finn appreciates Drake Maye, but what about Belichick as UNC coach?
Finn writes, “This might be the most important thing about covering and comprehending Bill Belichick: It’s OK to be skeptical about how he will fare, at 72 years old, in his foray into the wild west of college football. You should be. But do not underestimate him and absolutely do not prematurely dismiss his chances—as some prominent, territorial college football writers have done already—at finding success in Chapel Hill.”
Still Finn insists, “The news that Belichick is now Chapel Bill . . . well, sure, that stunned all of us up here, too. But you sure are lucky to have him.”
Finn says Belichick “is as brilliant and prepared and as motivated as ever, and that is as brilliant and prepared and motivated as any coach has ever been.
“Those of us in New England who remember to appreciate all he did here know this to be true: He is about to have the last laugh over the doubters.
“The symmetry of Belichick ending his one-year hiatus from coaching to take a job at Maye’s alma mater is as amusing as it is stunning here in New England. But it also allows for a chance to offer some reciprocal advice on how to cover and deal with the legendary coach and accomplished grump.
“NIL (name, image, likeness) and the transfer portal have made college football more professional than professional football in some ways. Players don’t have to adhere to contracts in the college game, and they essentially can hop from program to program at will in pursuit of more money and/or more opportunity.”
In closing, Finn writes, “Those of us in New England who remember to appreciate all he did here know this to be true: He is about to have the last laugh over the doubters. Right, and the last snort, too.”
Even the elite magazine “The New Yorker” is covering UNC football.
Louisa Thomas, writing in the December 15 edition of that magazine in an article titled “The Resurrection of Bill Belichick” began, “After failing to land another job in the NFL, the former New England Patriots coach is headed to the University of North Carolina. Will it work?”
Thomas writes that Belichick has already made a difference. “UNC is a basketball school. Its football program hasn’t won the NCAA’s Atlantic Coast Conference since 1980. Around the time of Mack Brown’s firing, at the end of November, UNC. only had ten committed football recruits coming in for 2025.”
A number of starters had declared their openness to transferring. But Belichick’s arrival now brings a level of excitement and attention that should immediately impact the program. Even with the high price that Belichick is reportedly demanding (a five-year, fifty-million-dollar contract; a twenty-million-dollar ‘name, image, and likeness’ package for football; and no doubt competitive salaries for a large staff), the money will come in.”
Boosters, parents and prospects will compete for the chance to shake the coach’s hand. …“there are plenty of parents who will want their sons coached by the legend, and plenty of young players who will be dazzled by the gaudy hints of a future pro career, by all those Super Bowl rings. And, when UNC opens its 2025 season, on August 30th, against Texas Christian University, the stadium will be full. Viewership will probably soar. UNC football will feel relevant in a way that it hasn’t before.”

(Bill Belichick will be taking over as UNC's Head Coach for football. Photo courtesy of Flickr)

Seeing red: Come June, NC’s election boards could look more Republican

4During Democratic Gov. Roy Cooper’s time in office, the legislature made six attempts to restructure election boards and take power away from him.
It appears new Gov. Josh Stein’s experience won’t be any different.
In late December, he was added to a 2023 lawsuit that originally challenged a now-repealed, previous attempt at taking away a governor’s power over election boards.
The case is now in Wake County Superior Court. An eventual ruling could be appealed all the way up to the state Supreme Court.
It’s part of a familiar story in state politics, one that’s been playing out since 2016.
And it all comes down to one thing: control. The party that controls election boards has a significant impact on their policy views, which may determine decisions in key cases like election protests and challenges.
Five times the GOP has tried to wrest that appointment power from Cooper. Each time, they’ve failed.
Now, this latest effort will cross from his administration into another.
Cooper spent one of his final days in office filing the supplementary complaint concerning the replacement of the previously challenged law with Senate Bill 382 – a law that would transfer appointment power from the governor to an unlikely member of the executive branch: the state auditor.
More specifically, the recently passed measure would allow State Auditor Dave Boliek to appoint nominees to the five-member State Board of Elections from a list submitted by the Democrat and Republican state party chairs. The board is mandated to include at least two members from each party. But with the auditor choosing the chairperson, it’s likely Boliek, a Republican, would pick someone from the GOP.
At the county level, it’s the same situation. Again, Boliek would also appoint the chair for each, potentially leading to the same partisan breakdown.
Previously, governors held appointment power and, predictably, the party of each governor enjoyed election board majorities while that governor was choosing board members.
While the courts have repeatedly ruled against the legislature, this time the outcome may be different. Republicans now enjoy a 5-2 majority on the state Supreme Court, which could increase the legislature’s chances of success.
Even so, former N.C. Supreme Court Justice Bob Orr cautioned against trying to predict how courts will rule.
“It’s obviously a stronger argument with the move to the auditor’s office because it stays within the executive branch (rather) than the other effort to have the legislature control it,” Orr said.
“So I would think that there’s a better chance of succeeding on the new structure than under the one that was being litigated.”
If the court upholds the new law, North Carolina’s election boards could look more Republican by early summer when statewide appointments to those bodies are made.
The legislature’s various attempts over the years to strip some, or all, of a Democratic governor’s power over these boards in favor of Republican control hasn’t been lost on Cooper.
In his updated complaint, he argued that the law unconstitutionally “treat(s) the state auditor and governor as if they were interchangeable” – a violation of separation of powers and the governor’s constitutional duty to faithfully execute laws.
“This blatant partisan restructuring of the State Board is — once again — unconstitutional,” he wrote. “It will undermine confidence in elections and it contravenes the democratic principles on which our state government rests. It cannot stand.”
And it hasn’t. So far.
A pair of 2016 laws struck down by the Wake County Superior Court would have abolished the State Board in favor of a Bipartisan State Board of Elections and Ethics Enforcement with four of eight members appointed by the governor and the other half by legislative leaders.
A 2017 law found unconstitutional by the N.C. Supreme Court would have required the governor to appoint eight members of the State Board from lists provided by the Republican and Democratic party chairs. The court ruled that this did not leave the governor with enough control over the views and priorities of the board. At the time, Democrats held a majority on the state Supreme Court.
Fast forward to 2018: The legislature passed another law reorganizing the State Board to nine members – four from each party and one unaffiliated member. Also, the law mandated that the chair of county boards had to be a Republican in presidential election years.
The Wake County Superior Court again blocked the law.
That summer, the legislature took the question to the people with a constitutional amendment based on the 2017 law. North Carolina voters overwhelmingly rejected it.
In 2022, Republicans flipped several seats on the state Supreme Court, gaining a 5-2 majority. Next session, the legislature passed SB 749. And later, SB 382.
Cooper said that Senate leader Phil Berger and former House Speaker Tim Moore’s “latest attempt to restructure the State Board of Election and county boards of election fares no better under our Constitution than their prior five attempts.”

(Photo courtesy of the North Carolina Supreme Court)

This year, let's take on Big Pharma advertising

5Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. and I do not have much in common.
He grew up on his family’s estate, Hickory Hill, in Virginia. I grew up on a 2-block street in Haymount. He had 10 siblings. I have 1. Our politics are vastly different.
One thing we do agree on, and adamantly, is banning prescription drug advertising on television. The United States is clearly an outlier in allowing such advertising. The only other developed nation to do so is New Zealand.
We have all seen these ads, many of them targeted toward seniors, who are likely to take more prescription medications than younger people. The ads address conditions many of us have never heard of, much less suffer from, and reel out all sorts of terrifying side effects. They never mention cost, and with good reason, since manufacturers aim to make as much money on their sales as possible before the drug becomes generic, bringing in substantially less revenue. Some of these drugs, such as recently developed weight loss medicines, cost consumers and their insurance providers thousands of dollars a month before they become generic.
The United States began allowing this pharmaceutical gravy train in the 1990s, a practice which some experts say allows drug manufacturers to make as much as 5 times more on prescription drug sales to consumers than the TV advertising itself costs, estimated at more than $5B. Such advertising is often defended by the First Amendment’s freedom of speech. Some may have positive effects, such as encouraging Americans, especially seniors, to get vaccinated.
The ads also encourage people to pressure physicians for various medications—“ask your doctor if xyz drug is right for you.” They may also encourage consumers to seek the latest and greatest new pharmaceutical product when an older and likely less expensive drug would be equally effective.
The American Medical Association has long supported a ban on pharmaceutical ads on television, and many American patients have seen our doctors roll his or her eyes when we suggest that some prescription drug we saw on television might be appropriate for us.
Former President Donald Trump showed interest in curbing such advertising during his first term and has nominated Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., or RFK in Kennedy shorthand, to be his Secretary of Health and Human Services. If confirmed by the US Senate, Kennedy is expected to seek a ban on prescription drug advertising. Another Trump ally, Elon Musk, recently wrote on social media, “No advertising for pharma.” In addition, Trump’s choice to head the Federal Communications Commission, which regulates broadcast media, says his agency could enforce such a ban.
That said, it would not be easy. The prescription drug industry is not called “Big Pharma” for no reason, and it would be expected to fight anything resembling a ban tooth and nail. Big Pharma has a significant presence in North Carolina, particularly in the Triangle, so Tar Heels can expect to be involved in any effort to curb drug advertising.
It is also not clear how to slow down or even stop this advertising juggernaut, which has been running for decades. Congress could initiate legislation, but members would be under tremendous pressure from Big Pharma not to enact it. Trump could issue an executive order of some sort, but either way court challenges would delay or prohibit restrictions or an outright ban.
RFK or whoever becomes US Secretary of Health and Human Services will have a full plate. If he is confirmed, though, I will cheer him on in his effort to end the United States’ outlier status with prescription drug advertising.

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